On the very date Donald Trump was presented with a tailor-made "peace prize" from his newest friend, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his administration released an equally flamboyant security policy document. This relatively short report is saturated with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the typically humble claim that the president has rescued "the United States and the globe – back from the edge of disaster and disaster."
Even though the strategy largely formalizes the current policies and rhetoric of Trump and his team, it must be heeded as a serious caution for the world, and for the European continent specifically.
The document advocates for an aggressive form of foreign-policy interference where the US explicitly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its language seems lifted directly from addresses by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the much-discussed refugee crisis of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to remain European, to reclaim its cultural self-confidence." Even more ominously, the document claims that Europe's "economic decline is eclipsed by the real and starker prospect of civilizational erasure."
The entire section on Europe is steeped in decades of European right-wing ideology and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "transforming the continent and causing strife, suppression of free speech and stifling of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and loss of national identities and self-belief." According to the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether certain European countries will have economic power and armed forces powerful enough to be dependable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, some NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"U.S. foreign policy should continue to champion genuine democracy, free speech, and unapologetic commemorations of European nations’ individual character and history."
These arguments carry strong echoes of two concepts seen as core for modern right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose thesis on the cyclical decline of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more explicit conspiratorial narrative, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace rebellious "indigenous" populations and import a more submissive and reliant electorate.
It is the nationalist fantasy encapsulated in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the right, if not the obligation, to interfere in European affairs, the document implies. And it is clear where it sees its allies: "The United States encourages its political allies in Europe to advance this revival of national spirit, and the increasing clout of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for significant hope."
In other words, the US contends that it is key to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only political force that can achieve this. Therefore, its "broad policy for Europe" focuses on "cultivating opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "strengthening the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "aligned countries that want to reclaim their past glory" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.
While the document stays vague on methods, it is apparent that a key aim is to pressure Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – especially regarding far-right speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not regard Russia as an enemy either.
In a wider context, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to interfere in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "implement a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.
None of this is necessarily new – recall JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is laid out in an formal document, European leaders will finally understand that the situation is grave. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be condensed in clear and succinct terms: the current US government holds that its national security is most enhanced by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not only an reluctant ally; it is a deliberate adversary. It is time to act accordingly.
A tech enthusiast and digital strategist with over a decade of experience in software development and emerging technologies.